and Prospective Analysis of
University Student Activism for Diversity Curricula
Asayehgn Desta, Sarlo Distinguished Professor of
the dismantlement of the Military Junta—the “Derg”—in 1991, the
Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a product of
the 1960s and 1970s, Addis Ababa University’s university student
movement and an adherent of Marxism and Leninism ideology came to power;
it vigorously embarked on actualizing the self -determination of the
various Nations, Nationalities and Peoples of Ethiopia. That is, in
contradiction to the socialization process of the ancient
regime and the military Junta who favored a centralized type of
government, after coming to power, the EPRDF propagated and endorsed an
ethnic-based federal type of government structure in Ethiopia
Based on its ideological orientation, the EPRDF
attempted to raise the ethnic self-awareness of the Ethiopian masses
(Africa Report, 2009). With the full implementation of the Ethiopian
Constitution in 1995 the EPRDF then established ethnic federalism and
categorized the country into nine ethno-linguistic regional states. It
also advocated for the rights to self-determination of the Ethiopian
people, nations, and nationalities.
EPRDF encouraged the newly autonomous regional states to use their local
languages to serve as the medium of communications and instruction for
their elementary schools. For
example, though the federal government kept Amharic as its working
language, the six regional states continued to use their local languages,
and more than 20 languages are used for instruction in primary schools (Adamu,
Whereas advocates for federalism wholeheartedly
argued that multi-cultural federalism creates unity and respect among the
diversified Ethiopian citizens, advocates for a pro-unitary system, or a
strong centralized state, argued that federalism tends to dismantle the
Ethiopian nation state. For
instance, Milkias (2011) calls Ethnic federalism in Ethiopia “a ticking
bomb that may railroad the country toward eventual Balkanization.” Going
one step forward, Hailemariam (2017) argues that federalism would
undermine the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia tailored to
accommodate and promote diversity in Ethiopia. He believes the democratic
centralism practiced by the EPRDF runs contrary to the autonomous federal
system that it preaches.
As Ortiz and Santos explain (Spring 2010), higher
educational institutions generally encourage intergroup learning that
contributes to multicultural competence. Based on this premise, Ethiopian
university of the 1960s and ‘70s served as the center of intellectual
discourse and political mobilization. The background characteristics of
learners commonly shape current Ethiopian university movements. Instead of
being broad knowledge factories of diversity that prepare students to
tackle the socio-political challenges on campus, Ethiopian universities
tend to reflect current political struggles and thus become centers for
ethnic skirmish. In other words, because ethnic politics serve as a
measure of political consciousness and as a revolutionary guide (Borkena,
2017), Ethiopian university students from the same ethnic groups tend to
aggregate and contribute to deadly ethnic violence and has forced the
current Ethiopian Prime Minister, Haile Mariam Desalgne to submit his
letter of resignation to his Party (Schemm, P. February 16, 2018).
This study aims to: 1)
map out the rise and decline of the political activism of the Ethiopian
student movement since the 1960s; 2) briefly review the political
consciousness of current Ethiopian University Students; and 3) propose a
brief Freshman Diversity competency general education program for
This study is based on the following questions:
What were the local and global factors that
triggered university student movements in Ethiopia in the 1960s and 1970s?
What identifiable current socio-political factors
contribute to ethnic conflicts among the current Ethiopian students in
higher educational institutions? and
Can a colloquium on cross-ethnic general education
diversity offered to all Ethiopian university Freshman students help them
to: a) interact positively with a diverse set of peers in universities,
and b) prepare for life in an increasingly complex and diverse Ethiopian
of the Literature
University College of Addis, established in 1951, served as a catalyst for
social transformation and political activism in Ethiopia. Every year since
the late 1950s, without challenging the content of their educational
curricular and policies, Ethiopian university students recite poems in
Amharic at the May Day Ceremonies that demand the fundamental political
and social change of Ethiopia’s semi-feudal regime.
first impulse of a political landslide among Ethiopian university students
goes back to 1965, when they courageously rallied around the land
ownership system in Ethiopia. Guided by the slogan “Land to the Tiller,
Ethiopian university students recklessly demonstrated in city of Addis
Ababa, demanding a redistribution of land from the then-wealthy and
absentee land lords to the toiling Ethiopian tenants.
Shortly thereafter, university students continued
the tradition by protesting the inhuman treatment and the incarceration of
beggars in the Shola (Addis Ababa) Concentration Camp. As the regime
turned a deaf ear to their demands, in 1967, university students went one
step further by forming a more militant University Students Union of Addis
The university Students replaced the then-liberal
student newspaper, News and Views,
with a more radical, politically charged paper, Struggle. Through
Struggle, students demanded that
the university administration grant them the right to public demonstration
and assembly (Ruyter, 2011). Further igniting their collaboration with
high school students, the university students started circulating
pamphlets around Addis Ababa and vigorously antagonized the then-Haile
Selassie’s regime, calling it senile and corrupt. They urged peasants,
workers, and soldiers throughout Ethiopia to march with them for the
formation of genuine revolution against the Haile Selassie regime (Hess,
R. 1970, and Desta, A. 1977).
Ethiopian university students indulged in a widespread form of political
agitation, criticizing the policies of the regime in power. In 1969,
university students demanded that the different nationalities in Ethiopia
be granted the right to self-determination. Walleligne Mekonnen, the chief
university student ideologue of the time, forcefully rejected the ruling
regime’s claim that Ethiopia was a unified nation.
In contradiction, Walleligne considered Ethiopia a museum of a
dozen nationalities with different languages, ways of dressing, histories,
social organizations and territorial entities. Based on this premise,
Walleligne urged all Ethiopians to fight for a democratic and egalitarian
Ethiopia, whereby “all nationalities participate equally in state
affairs and where every nationality is given equal opportunity to preserve
and develop its language, its music and its history” (November17, 1969).
discontent among university and high school students ignited the masses,
catching Haile Selassie’s regime by surprise. As a result, the Board of
University Governors suspended the student union, USUAA,
and banned the student newspaper, Struggle,
thereby suppressing autonomy and freedom of expression on campus.
Instead of arresting the existing student
agitation, the Board of University Governors tightened its discipline and
fueled further student activism. In collaboration with high school
students, the university students vigorously agitated against the
implementation of new educational reform initiated by the regime (the
Education Sector Review).
In 1973, the student movement rekindled the
Ethiopian masses by highlighting the regime’s neglect of the famine
stricken in the regional states of Wollo and Tigrai. With the rise of fuel
prices, taxi drivers in Addis Ababa had no choice but to demonstrate
against the regime in power. Ethiopia’s economic slowdown created a
perfect opportunity for the lower ranks within the Haile Selassie military
to hijack the Ethiopian student’s Marxist-Leninist discourse. The
military used its muscle to claim its historic mission of ushering the
country into socialism (Kebede, 2001).
In 1974, as students created significant political
awareness, Haile Selassie’s regime was replaced by the Provisional
Military Administrative Council, better known as the
“Derg”—Ethiopia’s most oppressive military dictatorship. Thus, as
the student movement contributed to the demise of Haile Selassie’s
regime in 1974, the lower ranks of the military dictatorship moved
Ethiopia from imperial polity to military dictatorship (Balsvik (2009).
As the military Junta (the Derg) came to power, it
attempted to coopt the university student union and strongly advocate for
Marxist-Leninist ideology. The Derg believed that student rhetoric could
serve a useful purpose in its attempts to legitimize the seizer of power (Balsvik,
To demonstrate its allegiance to the cardinal
demands of university student movements, the Derg allowed the university
students to reestablish their student union, USUAA. The Derg also gave
students the full right to resume publishing Struggle.
To the surprise of the
half-baked socialist military junta, the first publication of Struggle
commemorated Wallelign Makonnen’s leading argument that rested on
“the question of nationalities.” In
other words, Wallelign’s argument assumed that for all Ethiopian
nationalities to ascertain self-determination, power must be bestowed to
the peoples of Ethiopia.
In 1975, to further win the legitimacy of the
university students, the military junta promulgated, “Land to the
Tiller.” In order to disband student movements from the urban areas, the
Derg, thorough programs known as “development
through cooperation campaign” (“Zamacha”), discharged about
50,000, junior and senior high school students and 6,000 university
students and teachers to the countryside. More
specifically, the Derg assigned “Zamacha” campaign workers to
distribute the nationalized farm lands, organize peasant associations,
organize women’s and youth associations, build primary schools, clinics
and latrines, dig water wells, and initiate a mass literacy campaign,
using about fifteen local languages as medium for instruction. Though
statistics provided by the Derg’s military government have been
falsified and regarded as inaccurate, the Derg’s military government was
awarded the annual UNESCO Literacy Award in 1980 (Balsvik, 2009) for its
effort on spreading literacy throughout Ethiopia.
For two years, participants poured their hearts and
souls into the program. They scoured the countryside to build a socialist
state, to actualize university student demands for the distribution of
land to the landless peasants, and to provide peasants with social
In 1976, the Derg declared the National Democratic
Revolution (NDR) to endorse the university students demand for “the
right to self-determination of all nationalities.” Though it never came
to fruition, the Derg set up the Institute of Study of Nationalization (ISN)
in 1983 and then it categorized the country into twenty-four autonomous
administrative regions (Ottaway, 1976, and Markakis, 1977, Araia, 2013).
Many progressive Ethiopians welcomed these radical
measures by the Derg and viewed them as genuine. From a saddle of power,
the Derg began revealing its hidden authoritarian nature. For example,
after workers returned from their “Zamacha” campaign to pursue their
education in 1976, the Derg tried to isolate them. Left alone to reflect
on the administrative style of the Derg, returnees were not allowed to
intermingle. Those suspected of criticizing the Derg’s incompetence or
dysfunctional administration style were labeled as either
counter-revolutionaries or members of the Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Party (EPRP) and were subjected to Derg’s Red Terror
campaign. As Araia
persuasively states (2017), “…contrary to the wishes and ambitions of
Ethiopians, when the Derg military regime consolidated power, it
effectively terminated the political culture of the golden age (of the
1960s and 70s) by prioritizing the gun to suppress the people and
declaring the so-called Red Terror against the EPRP, the youth, and other
Balsvik (2009) observes, the Derg’s Red Terror campaign turned violently
against educated young Ethiopians for their resistance to military rule
and forced them either into exile or to join various guerrilla movements.
Even after the “Red Terror Campaign” supposedly ended in 1978, the
lunatic Mengistu’s regime continued killing or arresting educated young
Ethiopians for their opposition to military rule and their suspected
support of the Tigrai , Oromo, and Eritrea liberation moments who fought
for the right to self- determination of all nationalities in Ethiopia.
In 1984, by declaring Workers’ Party of Ethiopia
(WPE) the only legal party in Ethiopia, the Derg officially made Ethiopia
a socialist state. However, as Glasnost, Perestroika, and a multitude of
problems engulfed the USSR, the soviets discontinued their tutorship and
hegemony over Ethiopia. Soon, Ethiopia’s economy dwindled into shambles,
and Mengistu fled into exile in Zimbabwe. Ethiopia’s brutal military
administration grew increasingly disorganized, and, in 1991, the coalition
of the ethno-nationalist movements, better known as the Ethiopian
People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), buried the Derg for
Once it came to power, the EPRDF completely negated
the Derg’s centralized or unitary system. It resorted to the Leninist
philosophy of democratic centralism and partitioned the country into nine
asymmetrical, ethnic-based regional states and two chartered cities (Balsvik,
2009, and Hailemariam, 2017). EPRDF’s policy makers proclaimed the
formation of federalism in Ethiopia is a step in the right direction.
Federalism allows inhabitants of the federal states autonomy and a chance
for self-rule because each region can to develop, promote, and preserve
its language and native culture (Desta, 2017). Keller (2003) also strongly
endorses the noble objectives of the formation of Federal regional states
in Ethiopia. After its implementation, Turton (2005) acknowledged that the
restructuring of Ethiopia as an ethnic-based federation contributed to its
ultimate stability and economic success.
However, Huntington rightly forecasted in 1993 that
the formation of ethnic regional states in Ethiopia would exacerbate
cleavages and ethnic-tensions in Ethiopia (1993b). Given
its current political landscape, Ethiopia triggers flashpoints that
indicate signs of political deteriorations as massive demonstrations flare
up into new waves of ethno-nationalistic political turmoil. This new
unrest has led observers and members of the ruling Ethiopian People’s
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to conclude that the very survival
of the Ethiopian state is amid political turmoil (Gebreluel, G and
Bedasso, B, 2018), and has forced the current Ethiopian Prime Minister,
Haile Mariam Desalgne to submit his letter of resignation to his Party (Schemm,
Feb. 16, 2018).
Outside politics in Ethiopia focus on ethnicity,
university campuses remain ethnically polarized. For example, for the last
25 years, Ethiopian universities have been recruiting diverse students to
flourish their notoriety for worthwhile diversity. Nonetheless, without a
substantial improvement in campus climate, increasing compositional
diversity does not unto itself enhance diversity competency.
In other words, instead of interacting with peers
and learning through diversity, various ethnic backgrounds remain isolated
and even ready to fight if necessary. For example, in 2017, when an Amhara
student in Adigrat university, Tigrai Region, was killed, ethnic
demonstrations flared in Gonder, Ambo, Debre Tabor, and Woldia (www.Borkena). Similarly, students in the East (Haromaya
University), south (Bule Hora university) and southwest (Gambella and Metu
universities) have voluntarily left their campuses and disrupted their
educations. As a result of ethnic conflicts over the years, parents have
been insisting their children be placed in local universities within their
own regional states in order to avoid ethnic-based attacks ( Asmamaw,
As these ethnic conflicts become deeply rooted in
Ethiopia’s higher educational institutions, instability throughout the
country continues to foment. This calls for fundamental changes in the
curricula of higher educational institutions, designed to challenge
student’s long-held beliefs and ideas. Exposure to effective
cross-ethnic diversity programs could help diverse Ethiopian college
students look past their differences and start learning from them instead
Conclusion and Policy Implications
the establishment of the University College of Addis Ababa in 1951,
Ethiopia has experienced waves of student activism. In the 1960s, the
Ethiopian university student protests became radicalized and played a
pivotal role in raising the political consciousness of the Ethiopian
masses. Because of their genuine concern for the emancipation of the
Ethiopian masses, Araia (2017) vividly describes these university
political movements as a golden age in Ethiopian history.
The 1960s and 1970s left-leaning of Ethiopian university
students were generally premised on the radical Leninist concept of
‘National Question’ and were ingrained in Stalin’s agenda calling
for the right to “self-determination” to the peoples of a nation. Subscribing
to these galvanizing phrases, Ethiopian university students fully believed
that Ethiopia could undergo fundamental change and emancipation if the
various nations, nationalities and peoples of Ethiopia were granted the
rights to self-determination.
through their ‘University National Services Program,’ Ethiopian
university students grafted and effectively socialized Ethiopian High
School Students to buy into the Ethiopian university student’s
insurgency movements; they engineered spectacular social and critical
issues that focused on a) the ownership of land, b) ending poverty, and c)
overcoming the oppression of the peoples, nations, and nationalities in
Ethiopia. Globally, the Ethiopian student activism was linked to
international socio-political and global issues related to the
independence of the then-colonized African countries, America’s war in
Vietnam, and the alienation and exploitation of international working
class (See, Araia, 2017).
Thus, when the proponents of ethnic federalism
during the 1970s finally achieved power in Ethiopia in 1991, they stood
against the oppressive Haile Selassie and the Derg regimes and any
possibility of their cultural reproduction. When the EPRDF toppled the
Derg from power, it felt obligated to implement ethnic federalism as a
viable option for reconstituting the Ethiopian state (Kebede, 2001). As a
result, the EPRDF reorganized the Ethiopian state in terms of ethnicity
representation and territorial administration, and it gave every ethnic
group an unconditional right to self-determination up to secession
Concentrating on ethnicity, primary schools
throughout Ethiopia were encouraged to use local languages to socialize
their students. According to the Higher Education Proclamation (HEP),
universities in Ethiopia proclaimed multiculturalism as the guiding
principle to prepare citizens for life and leadership in a diverse society
(FDRE, 2009), and universities in Ethiopia attempted to redesign their
campus climates to accommodate diversity and to facilitate purposeful
inter-ethnicity interactivity programs (Adamu, 2014).
Implementing diversity is a dynamic process of
recruiting and admitting different ethnic groups of students to
pedagogically-reformed higher educational institutions featuring
transformed curricula, co-curriculum, and diverse faculty and staff. These
universities are designed to leverage learners to develop diversity
competencies which integrate cognitive complexity, to prepare them to work
in diverse environments, and to participate effectively in democratic
societies (Lee A. et al, August 12, 2011, Milem, J. Chang M. and Antonio,
In short, as explained by Milem, Chang, and Antonio
(2005), the institutional context of campus framework for ethnically
diverse universities includes, a) compositional diversity (diverse
student, faculty, and staff requirement), b) an organizational/structural
dimension (diversity of
curriculum, and decision-making policies), c) a psychological dimension
(student perceptions and ethnic tension), and d) a behavioral dimension
(social interaction across ethnicities, classroom diversity, and
on the previously attempted socialization process of Ethiopian university
students, though piecemeal and token, the current state in Ethiopian
universities has initiated and prefaced the broad diversity of students
currently attending the different universities. Sadly, the account
provided above indicates that students from the same ethnic background
tend to aggregate on university campuses for safety and often instigate
deadly ethnic skirmishes.
These observations strongly suggest that the
curricular components and the pedagogical strategies at the Ethiopian
higher educational institutions need to change. All incoming freshmen
should be required to take a multi-dimensional Freshman Diversity
Experience course (or courses) designed to provide diversity-related
competencies and skills so learners can fully engage with all classmates,
faculty, and staff as members of their universities. In other words, the
content of multi-dimensional Freshman Diversity Curriculum must offer
university students content knowledge related to living in a diverse
cultural context, valuing communalities, and accepting, tolerating, and
respecting differences (Adamu, 2014).
the understanding that the diversity capital brought by the students could
be a source of insight as opposed to conflict, all first-year students
need to be offered a Multi-Dimensional Freshman Diversity Curriculum. If
well designed and taught by trained faculty, the suggested dynamic course
could not only help students acquire cognitive, affective, and practical
skills, but use them to interact positively with people from diverse
cultural, ethnic and religious backgrounds (Bank, 2007).
tertiary educational institutions accommodate diversity in their freshman
studies, learners could undoubtedly challenge old biases and their
intellectual capacity would blossom. Having access to a multi-dimensional
diversity competency course, learners can develop problem-solving skills,
critical thinking capacity, and have the tolerance necessary live and work
in a diverse society.
From a pedagogical perspective, students from
diverse backgrounds could develop these tools if they are a) assigned
multi-cultural literature related to the history and culture of other
ethnic groups, b) given weekly reflective assignments, c) required to live
in dormitories with other diverse ethnic students, d) required to learn
cooperatively from diverse peers through classroom discussion and group
interaction, e) required to collaborate on off-campus projects, f)
encouraged to compete and debate with the diverse students, and g)
encouraged to get involved with other informal diversity activities, such
as cultural events and social activities.
As Slavin suggests (1995), when students of
different backgrounds can experience positive interactions with others of
different backgrounds, their prejudices against one other will most likely
decrease (see also Adamu, 2014). In
addition, the diverse capital that the students bring to universities
could change; learners can start to become globally minded citizens when
they begin recording their classroom experiences and outside engagement in
their ‘reflective journals.’
Admittedly, the “idea of teaching about diversity
is intimidating, in part because the concept of diversity is so vast and
because none of us has had personal experience with the full range of
diversity” (American Psychological Association, 2013). Nonetheless, the
diverse students accepted by Ethiopian universities need to be required to
take an interdisciplinary course entitled ‘Freshman
Diversity Experience,’ whereby
institutional support for a positive climate for diversity are
available. If the course is intensively designed by a diverse professional
faculty with a sincere commitment to diversity, and if the class is
offered institutional support and a safe environment for interaction to
enhance a positive climate for diversity, it will not only fulfill the
educational mission and goals of the university, but it will also enable
students to formulate diverse thoughts and opinions, distinctively
different from those with which they are familiar. Thereby,
this strategy will increase of the probability of Ethiopian students
accepting other Ethiopians as their fellow citizens and compatriots. This
endeavor will recall the Ethiopian university students of the 1960s and
1970s; these diverse learners will feel comfortable interacting outside
their comfort zones and they can fight together for democracy in Ethiopia.
Despite the detailed work I have in progress, it is
suffices to state at this juncture that the 21st century
requires student engagement to achieve the diversity skills necessary to
work effectively with individuals, groups, and teams from diverse
identities and perspectives. Therefore, the current political instability
in Ethiopia would not improve if the federal structure created in 1995 is
reorganized to meet autonomy and the demands of progressive Ethiopians
without at least considering the Ethiopia’s dramatic increase in
population over the last twenty years. As Lockhart observes (2014),
creating autonomy has proven to be an effective political tool in settling
ethnic conflicts in non-violent ways.
Given this, Ethiopians can learn that their
existing federal structure—nine ethnic and the two chartered city
states—must be reorganized and expanded to include not only the existing
nine ethnic regional states and two chartered city states, but also need
to add nine autonomous city states whose population exceeds more than
100,000 people. Ethiopian cities that have more than 100,000 people
(Population of cities in Ethiopia, 2018) include: Mekelle (215, 546),
Adama (213,995), Bahir Dar (168,899), Gondar (153,914), Dese (136,056),
Hawassa (133,097), Jima (128,306),
Nekemte (110688), and Bishoftu (104,215).
In summary, rather than changing personalities and
using military force to calm down the massive unrest in Ethiopia,
Ethiopians can resolve ethnic conflict by bestowing genuine autonomy to
the proposed nine regional states and the eleven chartered city states,
and by involving civic organizations, multi-parties and other opposition
parties in a discourse to pursue Ethiopia’s democratic plan for the
future (See, Desta, 2017). In the long run, however, the most effective
method of keeping political conflicts in check and restore fragmenting
multi-ethnic regional and city-states is by offering comprehensive diverse
competency education in primary, secondary, and tertiary school levels.
A. Y. (2014). Ethnic and Religious Diversity in Higher Education in
Ethiopia: The Case of Bahir Dar University. Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, University of Tampere, Finland.
Report (4 September 2009). “Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and its
Discontents” No. 153.
Psychological Association (May 2013). “Your Sphere of Influence: How to
Infuse Cultural Diversity into
Your Psychology”. Psychology
G. (2013). Ethiopia: Democracy,
Devolution of Power & The Developmental State. New York: Institute
of Development & Education for Africa.
G. (2017). “Trends and Patterns in Contemporary Ethiopian Politics”.
New York: Institute of Development & Education for Africa.
A. t. (2012). “The Impact of
Ethnicity on Student Relations in Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. In Adamu,
A. Y. Ethnic and Religious Diversity in Higher Education in Ethiopia:
The Case of Bahir Dar University. Unpublished doctoral dissertation,
University of Tampere, Finland.
J.A. (2007). Educating Citizens in
a Multicultural Society (2nd Ed.) New York: Teachers
Randi Ronning (2009). “Addis Ababa University in the Shadow of the Derg
, 1974-1991.”Proceeding of the 16th
International Conference of
Ethiopian Studies” ed.by Svein Ege, Harold Aspen, Birhanu Tefera and
“Ethiopian University students continue abandoning education and campus
” Available at https: /www.borkena.com/2017/11/20ethiopia-ethiopian-university-students-continue-abandonoing
–education, accessed 1/ 4/ 2018.
A. (1977). Student
Alienation: A Study of High School Students in Ethiopia. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Stanford University.
A. (2017). Ethiopia:
Re-thinking Ethiopia’s Ethnic Federalism. Saarbrucken, Germany: Lap
Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (2009). Higher Education Proclamation (no.
Negarit Gazeta, 64, 4976-5044.
G and Bedasso, B. (Feb. 7, 2018). “Managing Ethiopia’s Political
Z. (June 10, 2017). “ Challenges on Ethiopia’s Federalism” Horn Affairs.
Mark (March 22, 1999). “ Research Shows Diverse Environment has
educational Benefits”. Available at
http://www.urumich.edu/9899/mar22_99/10.htm, accessed 2/2/2018.
R. (1970). Ethiopia: The Modernization of Autocracy. Ithaca, N.T: Cornell
Rights Watch Report, Addis Ababa, 2002-2003.
S. P. (1993b). “”Political Development in Ethiopia: Dominant Party
Democracy.” Report to USAID /Ethiopia on consultation with the
Constitutional Commission, March 28 to April 1, 1993, pp.14-16.
M. (2001). From Marxism-Leninism to Ethnicity: The Sideslips of Ethiopian
Elitism.” Western Michigan University, Center for African Development
Policy Research: International
Conference on African Development.
, E. J. (2003) “Ethnic Federalism and Democratization in Ethiopia.” Horn
of Africa. Vol. XXI, pp. 30-43.
A. Williams R. and Kilaberia R. (August 12, 20110). “Engaging in
First-Year College Classroom”. Innov
P. G. (2014). Geopolitics, Borders, and Federalism:Challenges for Post War
Iraq. Unpublished Masters Theses, Western Kentucky University.
J. (November 1977). “Class Revolution in Ethiopia”. A paper presented
to the annual meeting of African Studies Association, Houston, Texas.
J., Chang M. and Antonio, A. (2005). “ Making Diversity Work on Campus:
A Research- Based Perspective”. Association American Colleges and
Universities (ed). Making
P. (2011) Ethiopia (Africa in
focus). Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.
A and Santos S. (2010).
“Campus Diversity and Ethnic Identity.” Association
of American colleges & Universities.
M. (September 1976). “Social Classes and Corporate Intersets in the
Ethiopian Revolution”. The
Journal of Modern African Studies. Vol. 14, No. 3.
M and Ralleigh, O (June 16, 2017). “Data Analysis: The Roots of Popular
Mobilization in Ethiopia.” IPI
Military Administrative Council (1976). National
Democratic Revolution Program.
(2003). “Lessons in Repression: Violation of Academic Freedom in
Ethiopia.” Available at http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/ethiopia0103/ethiopia0103-04.htm.
E. (Dec. 2011). “Ethiopian Students Protest against Emperor Selaisse’s
P. (February 16, 2018). “Ethiopian
PM resigns amid political turmoil”. Washington
, R.E. (1995). “Cooperative
Learning and Intergroup
Relations. In J. Banks &
C. M. Banks (Eds). Handbook of Research on Multicultural Education (pp. 628-634). New
D. (2005). Ethnic Federalism: The
Ethiopian Experience in a Comparative Perspective. Pp. 92-93. .
S. (2003). “Ethnicity and Power”
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, The University of Edinburgh.
Population Review (2018). “Population of Cities in Ethiopia”.
Available at http;//worldpopulationreview.com/countries/Ethiopia-population/cities/
DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions of the authors expressed herein do not necessarily state or reflect ethioobserver position. ethioobserver does not exercise any editorial control over the information therein. ethioobserver cannot accept any responsibility or liability for any actions taken (or not taken) as a result of reading the material displayed.