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The
Proverbial Ethiopian Donkey and Similarities and Contrasts between Donald
Trump and Abiy Ahmed Ghelawdewos
Araia, PhD
January 14, 2021 In
this essay I intend to provide comparative perspectives of the politics of
Donald Trump of the United States and Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, in the
context of the proverbial Ethiopian donkey and the current confrontational
politics promoted by the two leaders. First and foremost, however, for the
sake of clarity and relevance to the central thesis of this essay, and the
message I wanted to convey to readers, I like to introduce the
‘Ethiopian donkey’ especially to non-Ethiopian subscribers. There are
several donkeys in relation to Ethiopian ancestral maxims; some of them
are iconic and some brute, and one known for being greedy, self-centered
and extremely selfish. The good and iconic donkeys are best exemplified by
the common ass that is hard working and that is a true beast of burden,
one that was in company of baby Jesus when he was born at Bethlehem, and
it is this same donkey that Jesus Christ rode for a triumphal entry into
Jerusalem, otherwise known as Palm Sunday.
The brute donkey is the infamous ass that kicks and hurt people,
bites other animals, and that is reckless and disobedient for the most
part when it comes to burden; it is the greedy and selfish donkey, well
known in Ethiopian oral tradition, including proverbs that I am interested
in this article. According to Ethiopian ethos, or more specifically
proverbs, the greedy and selfish donkey is believed to have said, “Let
there be no grass after I am gone!”
I
now attribute the behavior and psychology of the proverbial Ethiopian
donkey to both Trump and Abiy Ahmed, because in many ways the two
political personas are very much like the donkey in thought and in
behavior; they are egocentric, pompous, self-centered, and without doubt
selfish because both of them are interested and obsessed in power politics
and they are determined to maintain it at the cost of people’s lives;
they have no regard for citizens insofar they are in power, but if their
power status is challenged or shaken, they will do anything at their
disposal to eliminate, or wipe out and destroy their challengers and
perceived enemies; they jealously guard their authority (legitimate or
not) against potential impediments and barricades in order to further
exercise their power status and thereby promote their selfish interests. However,
regarding the idiosyncratic or distinctive management of political affairs
surrounding their individual interests, there is an essential difference
between Trump and Abiy. While Trump is president of a country that can
legitimately boast as the citadel of democracy, Abiy, by contrast, is the
prime minister of a country that is rich in civilizations of late
antiquity and the medieval period, but a very poor country with no
democratic tradition and institutions at all. It
is also important to delineate the donkey scenario in relation to the
political cultures of the United States and Ethiopia so that we can
meaningfully explore the psychology of the two leaders under discussion.
The US is well-known for its political culture with attendant separation
of powers, a checks and balances system, a robust constitution, a vibrant
and open political debate, and most importantly a powerful Supreme Court
with independent federal courts across the board in the country. By
contrast, Ethiopia has none of the above-mentioned elements of political
culture; the country, in fact, egregiously suffers from the absence of
democratic culture. Therefore,
no matter how Trump resembles the Ethiopian donkey he could not be defiant
through and through or get away with crime without being scrutinized and
without being impeached for major offences; in fact, Trump has now become
the first and only American president to be impeached twice. This could
not be the case with Abiy Ahmed; Abiy could perfectly fit into the
proverbial donkey because there are no democratic institutions in
Ethiopia, let alone American type of checks and balances that are the envy
of the world; and to be sure, there is no independent court of justice in
Ethiopia that could either restrain Abiy from doing his self-centered
ambitions or charge him for transgressing the written Ethiopian
constitution. Abiy,
thus, could easily eliminate or systematically downgrade, put down, or
even imprison his opponents; by contrast, Trump could only fire his
subordinates and he has fired many of them or forced them to resign. The
proverbial donkey could comfortably adapt in the Ethiopian habitat, but
America could not easily serve as a playground for such disgruntled and
nefarious donkeys; interestingly but quite surprisingly, however, Donald
Trump came very close to Abiy’s conduct when he instigated the
insurrection on Capitol Hill in Washington DC on January 6, 2021, and
afterwards, he said the insurrection “was totally appropriate”; he has
no remorse whatsoever and in the lexicon of political donkeys, there is no
such thing as ‘regret’. In
order to further explore the behavior and conduct of the proverbial
Ethiopian donkey, it is very important to thematically list what the
donkey humans (I am not implying here that Trump and Abiy are donkeys; I
am just using the metaphor attribute) have something in common; hence some
brief repertoire of the psychological makeup of the two dictators: ·
Egocentric
behavior ·
Dismissing
alternative ideas or counsel ·
Contempt
to ordinary citizens ·
Monopoly
of power ·
Disillusioned
·
Treasonous
On
top of the above definitional attributes to the political personalities
who defied rule of law and the parameters of their respective
constitutions, it is also crucial to underscore the nature and
characteristics of dictators. Our colleagues in the academia, namely Seth
Davis Norrholm and Samuel Hunley, authors of The Psychology of
Dictators: Power, Fear, and Anxiety tell us that dictators “see
themselves as ‘very special people, deserving of admiration and,
consequently, have difficulty emphasizing with the feelings and needs of
others…Not only do dictators commonly show a ‘pervasive pattern of
grandiosity,’ they also tend to behave with a vindictiveness often
observed in narcissistic personality disorder’”1 Furthermore,
Norrholm and Hunley argue, “Dictatorial leaders such as these represent
the extreme potential of the human capacity for evil, and yet, despite
their apparent omnipotence within their individual spheres of power these
individuals also tended to suffer from excessive anxiety – mostly
regarding paranoid fears of citizen uprising and/or assassination.”2
Trump
and Abiy are highly narcissistic and vindictive; Trump has punished his
erstwhile opponents by either firing them from their duties or by verbal
attack in his speeches or in writing via his twitter that is now banned;
by the same token, Abiy has taken vindictive measures against his own
former party (the EPRDF) officials by firing them or forcing them out from
office, and in some cases by conducting continuous wars against the Oromo
Liberation Front fighters in Western Ethiopia, or in its extreme version
declaring an all-out war on Tigray and attacking not only the TPLF but
also civilian areas, although it is a crime to bombard civilian areas
according to Geneva Convention Protocol of 1977.
In
political science, we understand dictatorship as a form of government in
which one single person or a small group (oligarchy) controls the reins of
power and dictate the affairs of the entire state by their whims without
any constitutional limitations, even if there is a written law of the
land. In order to facilitate their governance thus, these dictators most
of the time resort to suppressing civil liberties, intimidation of
politically active members of society, and mass propaganda in order to
maintain political power. However, it is easier for Abiy Ahmed to
implement his dictatorial desires because there are no state institutions
to deter him from not violating municipal and national laws; by contrast,
if Donald Trump wants to resort to illegal actions, he will be met by
formidable institutions that can effectively deter and/or stop him from
converting his caprice into action; and as a result, Trump’s lawless and
turbulent administration will end with disgrace, thanks in large measure
to congressional act of impeachment, but also thanks to his own former cabinet
members who suffered with tongue-biting silence for a long four years but
are speaking out now. In the case of Abiy, his vagaries and dictatorial
governing style will come to an end only when the now scattered federalist
forces gather momentum and rise against him, or when there is a mass
upheaval and/or people’s uprising. One
other thing that I found in common in these two dictators is their
deliberate reversal of policies and/or projects of their predecessor
regimes; for instance, Trump has effectively undermined Obama Care and the
Dreamer’s potential of becoming legal residents; Abiy, by the same
token, effectively halted major projects of the EPRDF like the
Djibouti-Hara Gebeya Kombolcha-Mekelle Railway, not to mention the many
institutions that govern the federal system that have been stalled. I
found their actions entirely without historical precedent, more lethal and
ominous. Moreover, their mono-directionality in policy making is also
shared by many other dictators, whose policies are tainted by
psychopathology of dissociation. Finally,
I just want to add two important ideas coming from two prominent people,
one a philosopher and the other a religious leader. The philosopher I
chose is Hanna Arendt, who once said, “Our discipline runs the risk of
degenerating into a de-bunking enterprise, based on ideology than
evidence,” and as it is abundantly clear now, Trump has no evidence
whatsoever to claim that the election was ‘fraudulent’ and/or
‘stolen’; similarly, Abiy, without giving a chance to national
reconciliation resorted to war against the Oromo and the Tigray people. As
Ethiopia is going down the drain now, it is apparently obvious that the
‘risk of degeneration’ is taking place in Ethiopia under Abiy Ahmed,
but the US with all its robust institutions and strong government
apparatuses will overcome its present predicament. The
religious leader I chose is the 14th Dalai Lama (the current
Dalai Lama), who once in his interview with Charlie Ross said,
“destroying your neighbor is destroying yourself” but this profound
and instructive saying of the Dalai Lama would never penetrate into the
minds of dictators, never mind minuscule dictators that I have discussed
in this essay; both Trump and Abiy could care less about the destruction
of their own people, as very much demonstrated by the insurrection of
Washington DC incited by Trump and the wars being conducted against Tigray
and the Oromo in Western Ethiopia. The
destruction of one’s neighbor or own people is directly related to
treason committed by the dictatorial regimes; Trump has surreptitiously
engaged himself with the Russians during the 2016 election campaigns;
Abiy, on the other hand, openly, not secretly, forged alliance with
Eritrean and Somali forces, not to mention the United Arab Emirates
drones, against the people of Tigray. These foreign forces reinforced the
Ethiopian Defense Forces and the Amhara militia in their war on Tigray and
because the latter conducted war against Ethiopians by fielding with
foreign terrorist forces, they could be charged with treason. Destruction
is bad; it destroys civilizations, tears apart the fabric of societies,
and above all wipe out entire populations. Whatever happened in the last
two months in Ethiopia, that is, major war in Tigray, deadly conflicts in
Benishangul Gumuz, Oromia, and Konso, and skirmishes and instabilities
everywhere in Ethiopia, it will take decades for Ethiopia to recover; and
I like to extend a piece of advice to Abiy Ahmed in order to restore peace
and order to the great Ethiopian nation-state; he should not follow the
track of the proverbial donkey, and if he is indeed sincere, he could
simply apologize to the Ethiopian people, and particularly to the people
of Tigray for all the violence, atrocities, and massacres perpetrated
against them and call rather for national reconciliation and dialogue. In
order to absolve himself from the proverbial donkey, thus, Abiy Ahmed
should encourage such humanitarian initiatives like that of the Oromo Abba
Gada, who extended a 4 million Ethiopian Birr worth relief for Tigray;
unlike some chauvinist elites and flag waving charlatans who view the
people of Tigray as their enemies, the wise and humane Oromo portray
Tigrayans as their own brothers and sisters; deep down they understand and
acknowledge that Tigrayans paid a huge price, not only for the
self-determination of the Oromo but also for the formation of the
self-governing regional states for other Ethiopians as well. The Oromo are
dignified Ethiopians and Abiy Ahmed
must preserve and respect his Oromo heritage and act
accordingly to bring about peace and order in all Ethiopia. Lastly,
my advice to Abiy Ahmed is not to be indifferent, an onlooker, and a
bystander when the Eritrean forces destroy and loot the public property of
Tigray, steal the household items of Tigrayan families, and attack UNESCO
heritage site of Debre Damo monastery. These edifices of worship are not
just Tigrayan; they are Ethiopian and African as well and as such must be
preserved and, if possible, maintained in their original or existing
states.
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